Age of Bismarck: Unifications of Italy&Germany,1859-71

Planszowe gry historyczne (wojenne, strategiczne, ekonomiczne, symulacje konfliktów) dotyczące XIX wieku.
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Nico
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Age of Bismarck: Unifications of Italy&Germany,1859-71

Post autor: Nico »

Niech żyje Napoleon! - wołaj ludzie tkliwy
niech żyje po tysiąc lat (kto z nas będzie żywy),
Niech Polak ostatni z tym czuciem umiera
A hasło: Napoleon! niech mu usta zwiera!
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Leo
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Post autor: Leo »

To jeden z moich ulubionych okresow w historii. Ale fajnie!
Będę w takim razie śledził postępy prac nad grą...
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Post autor: Comandante »

strasznie dlugo sie to juz ciagnie... cale lata po prostu
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Post autor: Comandante »

Na Consimie publikowana jest od jakiegos czasu tresc poszczegolnych kart do gry. Ponize te, ktore juz zostaly przedstawione:


Major Campaign (Card No. 1-2)
Perfect coordination of the operations of multiple armies and/or naval forces was difficult to achieve during this period due to resource limitations and command and control issues. This card represents the release by the national command authority of enough staff, administrative and logistical resources to undertake expanded operations in multiple theaters of operation.

Minor Campaign (Card No. 3-6, 65-66)
The national command authority has released sufficient staff, administrative and logistical resources to undertake campaigns in more than one theater of operations or multiple campaigns within a single theater of operations.

Increase in Arms Production (Card No. 7)
One of the “benefits” of industrialization was an expended ability to produce standardized arms. Prior to the advent of mature industrialization, weapons such as cannon and rifles required masters and artisans to produce the weapon on an almost individual scale, thus causing the lack of arms to be a limitation on the size of a nation’s armed forces.

Population Increase (Card No. 8 )
This was a period of rapidly rising demographics for all nations in Europe which translated into larger armies.

Expansion of Standing Army (Card No. 9)
Parliamentary government, even those of autocratic states such as France and Prussia, had obtained legislative control over the size of the establishment of the armed forces through their power of the purse.

Foreign Arms Purchase (Card No. 10)
A nation that had an immature or inefficient industrial infrastructure or that had lost part of its arms production capacity due to conquest (such as France had during the initial stages of the Franco-Prussian War), was often required to go searching abroad for the arms with which to equip its expanding armies.

Activation of Grenzers (Card No. 11)
Austria had a limited potential to rapidly expand its standing army through increased drafts of Croatian light troops from its old militarized border region with the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans.

Landwehr Called Up (Card No. 12)
Through its well organized and administrated reserve system, Prussia could adjust its manpower mobilization to meet its operational requirements.

Mazzini and Cavour (Card No. 13)
The idealistic Roman Giuseppe Mazzini and the pragmatic Sardinian Count Cavour were the two sides to the Risorgimento coin. While Mazzini could inspire great sacrifice and patriotism of all Italians for a united Italy, Cavour developed the foreign policy, and military and industrial initiatives that made the movement successful.

Army of Africa (Card No. 14)
France maintained a large, professional, and experienced body of troops in its North African province of Algeria. These troops could rapidly reinforce the Metropolitan army to a limited extent.

Moltke (Card No. 15)
Upon his assumption to the position of Chief of the Greater General Staff in 1858, Helmut von Moltke began the improvement of the Prussian general staff which brought it to an even higher level of efficiency, unsurpassed (although copied) by all the other European powers. His stature became so recognized by the Prussian King Wilhelm II and the Iron Chancellor, Bismarck that when the king took to the field, it was in fact Moltke who in essence commanded the army, not the king. His long string of victories in the German Wars of Unification was unsurpassed by peers and successors alike.

Bismarck (Card No. 16)
In 1862, a relatively obscure Prussian diplomat named Otto von Bismarck became Minister-President of Prussia in an effort by the king to break the deadlock between king and parliament in Prussia. He did this by giving the liberals what they wanted more than civil liberty – German unity. Convinced by his past experience as the Prussian representative to the German Federal Diet in Frankfurt that Austria would never allow Prussia to obtain parity with Austria in German affairs, Bismarck began a policy of driving Austria out of Germany and having Prussia attain the headship of a new, united, Germany (the small Germany solution) that did not include the Austrian German provinces. His adroit pragmatism, diplomacy and statesmanship gave Prussia a distinct advantage in the subsequent Wars of Unification.

Garibaldi (Card No. 17)
Giuseppe Garibaldi, a native of Nice (then part of Sardinia – Piedmont), was a gifted amateur soldier and Italian patriot who was instrumental in expanding the budding Kingdom of Italy from Northern Italy into Central and Southern Italy through his charismatic leadership and unconventional military approach. Often at odds with the more conservative, monarchical approach of Victor Emmanuel and Cavour, his small number of "redshirt" populists seized first Sicily, then Naples and then moved into the Papal States, where they almost came to blows with the Sardinian forces sent to prevent radical revolution. More adept with smaller, unconventional forces, he performed poorly when commanding larger, conventional forces but did well in the Alps in 1859 and 1866 and Southern Italy in 1860/61.

Maximilian (Card No. 18)
Maximilian, Archduke of Austria and the brother of Emperor Franz Josef, was duped by Napoleon III and Mexican conservatives into accepting the offer of the throne of Mexico. His support within Mexico had peaks and valleys but always rested upon a hard core of French bayonets. When Napoleon III faced increased opposition at home and from the United States (after the conclusion of its Civil War in 1865) to his policy in Mexico, France withdrew her forces and Maximilian was defeated by Juarez and subsequently executed.

Peace Treaty (Card No. 19, 67)
Wars during this period had a decided beginning (a formal declaration of war) and an end, unlike our modern age. This card represents this formality but can also be viewed as representing a sudden surge of diplomatic activity which either ends an existing war, or prevents the actual act of going to war predicated by mobilization and a subsequent Declaration of War.

Logistics Breakdown (Card No. 20)
The actual logistical process which stored, transported, and distributed supplies to the armies often did not keep pace with the great advances in industrialization. It really wasn’t until World War I that armies were relatively efficiently maintained in the field.

Diplomacy (Card No. 21-22, 54)
In many ways, this was more an age of diplomacy than an age of war. Diplomatic coups were many and could turn a hopeless position into a more promising situation. This card represents such occurrences as opposed to a longer, more involved procedure as represented by the Diplomatic Warfare system.

Declaration of War (Card No. 23-25, 68-69)
Formal breaking of diplomatic relations and declarations of war were the norm rather than the exception during this period. Not following the rules had penalties in the international community as represented by the increased cost in political control for an undeclared war. Players will find that getting into a war is often easier than getting out of one – hence fewer "peace" cards than "war" cards in the deck.

Armistice (Card No. 26)
Often offered and accepted in order to consolidate gains, allow diplomacy a greater venue, or in the hopes of buttressing a weak position, an armistice temporarily ended hostilities but was always brief in nature.

Congress of Europe (Card No. 27)
An oft used method for restoring some degree of stability to European power relationships, a European Congress of Powers was often used to end a conflict and rebuild the European balance of power. Although outside of the scope of this simulation, notable congresses included the 1856 Congress in Paris which ended the Crimean War and the Congress of Berlin in 1878 which ended the Russo-Turkish War.

Pontoon Train (Card No. 28)
The many waterways criss-crossing Europe served as very real obstacles to the armies of this period despite the advent of railroads. A pontoon train’s presence (or absence) could often give a decisive advantage to an army faced with crossing a water obstacle.

Siege Artillery (Card No. 29)
Although all armies possessed field guns in varying amounts, in order to tackle a strongly fortified town or locality, siege guns were often an indispensable addition to an army’s arsenal.

Francs Trileurs (Card No. 30)
With the defeat and neutralization of the Imperial Armies on the frontiers, the new French Republic was required to wage a “people’s war” to try to compensate for its lack of trained regulars (asymmetrical warfare). Franc Trileurs were only loosely affiliated with the regular French forces, often wearing no uniforms at all and engaging in guerilla warfare to the frustration of the German forces. Their use was one of the few examples of unconventional warfare during this period.

Savoy and Nice (Card No. 31)
Although part of the Italian Kingdom of Sardinia, these areas were of mixed ethnic composition with Savoy being mainly French with an Italian minority and vice versa for Nice. These provinces had belonged to France under Napoleon I, and as the dynastic successor to the great Napoleon, Napoleon III felt compelled to aggrandize France, especially in areas of French ethnic persuasion (either real or perceived). These two provinces were ceded to France by Sardinia following a plebiscite in 1860.

Popular Support (Card No. 32)
While all the major powers ruled largely in an autocratic manner, the people had one final recourse for displaying their opinions — voting in the streets. Policies which pandered to the middle and lower classes were often used to buoy up a shaky regime in the hopes of defusing large-scale discontent and were often quite successful. Bismarck's policy of unification and Napoleon III’s “liberal empire” were examples of this policy in action.

Liberal Ascendancy (Card No. 33)
With the exception of Austria which ruled largely oblivious to popular feeling, the other major powers all had sizeable liberal elements which could and did affect foreign policies, often through their use of the power of the purse. While not always the case (Bismarck's policy’s attractiveness to the liberals in Prussia is an example), liberals had a tendency to favor commercial rather than martial competition in Europe and abroad.

Austrian Italian Province Revolts (Card No. 34)
The Italians in the Austrian provinces of Lombardy and Venice were largely disaffected from the Austrian Empire and preferred to be out from under Austrian rule. As a result, Austria kept a large army in Northern Italy whose duties were often more those of a gendarme than that of a soldier.

Hungary Revolts (Card No. 35)
Hungary had always been restive under the Habsburg rule, the last major rising being in 1848/49. Its potential rebellion was always a danger to Austria and an opportunity for other nations. Bismarck was prepared to play the Hungarian card against Austria, had the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 either been prolonged or gone against Prussia.

Polish Revolt (Card No. 36)
Although given a great deal of autonomy by St. Petersburg, Poland craved real independence and did in fact revolt in 1863. France and some other major powers sought to help the Poles. Prussia alone supported Russia in its suppression of the revolt, partly because of its Polish minorities in East and West Prussia and Silesia but also as a clever diplomatic ploy by Bismarck. Russia did not forget this and tacitly supported Prussia during the Wars of Unification through its benevolent neutrality.
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Re: Age of Bismarck: Unifications of Italy&Germany,1859-71

Post autor: Monthion »

Trochę wykopaliska, ale wygląda na to że gra powstała (w stajni Fog of War Publications), jest na 4, 3 i 2 osoby i zapowiada się ciekawie. Zawartość zestawu to:
A complete copy of Age of Bismarck includes:

A complete set of Rules
A Playbook with scenarios, Optional Rules and Designer’s Notes
A set of Player’s Aid cards for the four major powers
A 32″ by 22″ mapboard
A deck of 88 Strategy cards
A set of reproducible cards backs with suggested deck assembly instructions
A complete set of counters, consisting of 7 pages of unit and informational counters

Mapa:
Obrazek
Szary
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Re: Age of Bismarck: Unifications of Italy&Germany,1859-71

Post autor: Szary »

Wygląda fajnie, pytanie jak z grywalnością, bo dynastia sabudzka może się pewnie zanudzić/zostać szybko rozjechana...
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Re: Age of Bismarck: Unifications of Italy&Germany,1859-71

Post autor: Leliwa »

Ja myślę, że to zależy od scenariusza. Rok 1859 zaczynają z Francja przeciwko Habsburgom na pewno. Prusy nie grają wtedy jeszcze. Brakuje jednak stanowczo tu Imperium Brytyjskiego, bez którego żadne intrygi się nie odbywały.
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